A very large share of the history of Illinois is inseparably connected with the subject of slavery. It has already been shown that slavery existed in what is now the state of Illinois, since the coming of Phillip Renault in 1719. The French slaves were the negroes and mulattoes whose ancestors were those Guinea negroes brought from the West Indies, by Renault in the above mentioned year. In the latter part of the eighteenth century and the first part of the nineteenth, slavery existed in Illinois, by what was known as the indenture laws.

SLAVERY IN STATE AND NATIONAL POLITICS 

        In 1818 in the constitutional convention, slavery was a subject which engaged the most earnest and thoughtful attention of the delegates. In 1820-3 the Missouri Compromise, although a national matter, came close to the political life of Illinois. The senators in congress from Illinois did all they could to further the interests of slavery in that great contest. From 1820 to 1824 the state was a seething cauldron of bitterness and strife over the question of introducing slavery into Illinois by constitutional enactment. Locally, the slavery question was not prominent in Illinois for several years after the great convention struggle in 1824. But from 1830 to 1840 the subject was constantly before the national congress and the public mind was greatly agitated by the discussions in and out of the halls of national legislation.

       It has been said that the Missouri Compromise greatly pacified the public mind on the slavery question. It may have done so for a short space of time, but the pacification was in no sense a permanent one. In fact public sentiment in neither north nor south was crystallized as early as 1830. In the year 1826, it is said more than a hundred anti-slavery societies existed in the slave states, and this number is said to have been three times as many as existed in the north.

       The agitation of the slavery question by such publications as those by Lundy, Birny, and Garrison, resulted in the formation of the National Anti-Slavery Society in Philadelphia in 1833. This society p 208 began an active campaign for the abolition of slavery. They sent pamphlets, hand bills, and newspapers broadcast into slave territory. This greatly incensed the slave holders and their friends. In New York the postmaster took from the mail, anti-slavery matter and destroyed it. So also did the postmaster at Charleston, South Carolina. This conduct was reported to the postmaster general, Amos Kendall, and he approved of this open violation of the law. Andrew Jackson, in his message to congress, asked that congress might pass a law which would prevent the passage “through the mails of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection.” Anti­slavery meetings were broken up in many northern cities by those who bitterly opposed any agitation of the abolition question.

       Earnest appeals from the south came to the north to suppress the abolitionists. But those in authority could do no more than to stand by the first amendment to the Constitution which says, “Congress shall make no law—abridging the freedom of speech or of the press. Public assemblies and free speech are thus guaranteed and no legislation can in any way abridge them. From these anti-slavery societies and other organizations there poured into congress hundreds of petitions praying for some legislation looking to the relief of the slave. All means which the friends of slavery in the north had tried in the early days of the conflict to check the growing anti-slavery sentiment, had failed. They thought there was at least one means which would annihilate the abolitionists. This last resort was violence. “Violence was the essential element in slavery—violence was the law of its being.” This violence was directed against individuals, assemblies and the press.

       There was a lack of unity, as to the means existing among the anti-slavery people of the north, and men upon whose souls lay the great burden which the nation itself ought to have cheerfully lifted, were in no sense fully agreed upon the final end and aim of their struggle. “It was fashionable to stigmatize them as ultra pragmatic, and angular, and to hold up their differences and divisions as a foil and shield against the arguments and appeals. Thousands consoled and defended themselves in their inaction because anti-slavery men were not agreed among themselves.” But while there was a lack of unity in method, there was at least a line of cleavage which separated the anti-slavery people into two great classes. In one class were those who believed that the end whatever it might be was to be reached through constitutional legislation. These men might be called conservatives. They were fully persuaded that their friends in the other class were not safe in their counsel. These men were found in the two parties then recognized or soon to be recognized—the Whig and the Democratic. They hoped to reach the end they cherished by faithful effort within their respective political party organizations. This class of public men who held to the idea of political action as the cure for the ills of slavery eventually made up the “Liberty Party.

AGITATION BY ABOLITIONISTS AND NEWSPAPERS

       In the other classes were those men who were not willing to wait for the long deferred day when the curse of slavery should be ­ P. 209 destroyed by the slow process of legislation. For they knew that any legislation not the outgrowth of public sentiment would be a dead letter upon the statute books. Legislation must follow public senti­ment, not create it. And to the men of the Garrison cast there was no sign of the growth of a sentiment in the south, by 1835 or there­abouts, that had any ray of hope as to the final extinction of slavery. The fact was that by 1835 the public men of the south who had for­merly favored some form of abolition were now bitterly opposed to any effort along that line. This restless class was known as the “Gar­rison Abolitionists.” They were the radicals. Their fundamental doctrines were “no union with slave holders,” and “the United States Constitution is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell.  There never was any doubt as to the sincerity of purpose of these “Garrison Abolitionists.” Nor must we imagine that they were fanatics. They were men of great power and consecration. They belonged to that class to whom the world pays homage. They are the men for whom we erect monuments. They are the men and women whose birthplaces we search out and whose homes, though humble, we mark with tablets of bronze and marble. They are they whose lives are a benediction and whose death is a national calamity. True these men were iconoclasts, they were revolutionists, they would not be limited by any law constitutional or legislative which was antagonistic to the law of conscience. They openly preached disunion. They did not hesitate to state their “unalterable purpose and determination to live and labor for the dissolution of the present union by all lawful and just, though bloodless and pacific means, and for the formation of a new republic, that shall be such not in name only, but in full living reality and truth.”

       Believing in free speech and in a free press, they made use of both to spread their ideas and win many to their cause. True, in those days the newspaper was an infant compared with the great newspapers of today. Not only were the papers small in size, but their influence was very much limited by the very small numbers reached by their circulation. All the papers which plead the cause of the “Garrison Abolitionists” were poorly supported financially.

       Among these newspapers the reading public is quite familiar with Lundy‘s Genius of Universal Emanoipation, Garrison’s Liberator, The Philanthropist, the Emancipator, and the Alton Observer.

      The spirit of violence above referred to which Mr. Henry Wilson in his “Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America,” calls the fundamental idea in slavery, began now to spend its fury on these newspapers, presses, and their editors. We are now in a position to understand the lifework and the martyrdom of the editor of the Alton Observer.

A MORAL HERO

       Elijah Parish Lovejoy was born in Albion, Kennebec county, Maine, November 8, 1802. He was the oldest of a family of nine, seven sons and two daughters. His father, the Rev. Daniel Lovejoy, was a Congregational minister, and his mother was a Miss Elizabeth Pattee, a lady of excellent standing in that section.

       There is nothing to record of this Young New England scion that P 210 may not be said of another Yankee boy, unless it may be that he was unusually precocious. He could read the Bible fluently at the age of four years. He spent his early years on the farm, and all the time that could be spared from the work was diligently applied upon his books. The fact that his father was a scholarly gentleman and his mother a lady of culture explains why young Lovejoy made very rapid progress in his education.

       His preparatory courses were taken in two academies near his home, and later he entered Waterville College. From this institution he graduated with the honors of his class in 1826. He was somewhat given to athletic sports and was greatly admired by his fellow students, for his manly bearing and his gentlemanly deportment. While in college he produced quite a little poetry and one production was of considerable merit, the “Inspiration of the Muse.” In later years while in St. Louis he penned a short poem which was published in the St. Louis Times of which he was assistant editor. This seems to prophesy his sad taking off. One stanza read as follows:

My Mother, I am far away

From home and love and thee,

And stranger hands may heap the clay

That soon may cover me.

       After graduation from college he taught school in his native state and then catching the fever of immigration, he left his home, his people, and his native haunts and turned his course westward whence were coming such thrilling stories of adventures, opportunity, and sacrifice. Whether or not he purposed coming to the growing city of St. Louis when he started is not stated, suffice it to say he reached that place in the fall of 1827. He engaged in the business of teaching, and during his leisure hours he studied, wrote letters back to his home, and furnished articles for the Missouri Republican. Some time in 1828 he became connected with the St. Louis Times as contributor or possibly as staff correspondent. This was a Whig paper and supported Henry Clay for the presidency, and Mr. Lovejoy was regarded as one who had vigorously championed the cause of the great Whig leader.

       In the great revival in St. Louis in the winter of 1831-2, Mr. Lovejoy united with the Presbyterian church of that city, the pastor at that time being the Rev. Dr. W. S. Potts. Being naturally seriously minded, he felt he ought to give his life to the ministry, and he was therefore more easily. prevailed upon by his pastor to enter the theological seminary at Princeton, New Jersey, in the spring of 1832. Here he re­mained one year, after which he was licensed to preach by the Second Presbyterian church of Philadelphia. He spent the summer of 1832 in New York and other eastern cities and in the fall of that year he returned to St. Louis.

LOVEJOY BECOMES AN EDITOR

       Lovejoy was now prevailed upon to begin the publication of a weekly religious newspaper. Friends furnished the necessary means, and the first number of the St. Louis Observer was issued November 22, 1832. The editorial and business management of the paper occupied his time quite fully, yet he found time to preach often in adjoining ­ P 211 localities. As early as 1834 he began to discuss editorially. the subject of slavery. From these editorials we gather that he was not an abolitionist. In one issue of his paper he says: “Gradual emancipation is the remedy we propose. In the meantime the rights of all classes of our citizens should be respected.” In a later issue he proposes this question: “How and by whom is emancipation to be effected? ‘If by the masters themselves and no others can effect it; nor is it desirable that they should even if they could. Emancipation, to be of any value to the slaves, must be the free, voluntary act of the master, performed from a conviction of its propriety.” From these extracts it would not appear that Lovejoy was a writer whose pen poisoned the ink into which he dipped it. On the other hand it seems to us at this time that such expressions were very mild, to say the least.

       But these expressions were distasteful to many of his readers, and to many more they evidently appeared ill-timed; for on October 5, 1835, nine prominent men, among whom was his former pastor, the Rev. Dr. Potts, presented Lovejoy a written statement in which they begged him to cease the slavery agitation. They warned him that many threats of violence were heard and they greatly feared for his personal safety and for that of his property. Lovejoy appears not to have returned a written reply to this letter, but he seems to have taken pains to preserve it, for on October 24, 1837, more than two years later and just shortly before his death, he endorsed this letter as follows: “I did not yield to the wishes here expressed, and in consequence have been persecuted ever since. But I have kept a good conscience, and that repays me for all I have suffered, or can suffer. I have sworn eternal opposition to slavery, and by the blessings of God, I will never go back.”

CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT

       While it is probable that Lovejoy did not formally reply to his nine friends, in an issue of the Observer shortly following the receipt of the admonition, he presented his views on the question of slavery, and claimed protection in the utterance of his position on the subject, since the constitution of Missouri says: “That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every person may freely speak, write, and print on any subject—being responsible for the abuse of that liberty.” He closed this appeal to the people with the following declaration:

       I do, therefore, as an American citizen and Christian patriot, and· in the name of liberty, law and religion, solemnly protest against all these attempts, howsoever and by whomsoever made, to frown down the liberty of the press and forbid the free expression of opinion. Under a deep sense of obligation to my country, the church, and my God, I declare it to be my fixed purpose to submit to no such dictation. And I am prepared to abide by consequences. I have appealed to the constitution and laws of my country. If they fail to protect me, I appeal to God and with Him I cheerfully rest my cause.

“OBSERVER” MOVED TO ALTON

       The public mind became more and more disturbed and the proprietors of the Observer asked Lovejoy to resign as editor and business P 212 manager. This he cheerfully did. The plant had not been a paying investment and it was turned over to a Mr. Moore who seemed to be financially responsible for a debt soon to fall due. Mr. Moore, who was now owner, asked Mr. Lovejoy to assume again control of the paper with the understanding that it should be moved to Alton.

       Mr. Lovejoy found the Alton people quite pleased at the idea of the removal of the paper to their town, In the meantime Mr. Moore and his friends changed their minds and decided to continue the publication of the paper in St. Louis. Accordingly everything ran smoothly till an unfortunate occurrence in that city in April, 1836. This was the burning alive of a negro by a mob. The negro had, without any provocation, fatally stabbed the deputy sheriff who had the negro under arrest. The Observer, of course, took note of the double crime, dwelling upon the danger of the spirit of mob violence. No stress whatever was attached to the fact that the person mobbed was a black man. In connection with the denunciation of this mob in St. Louis condemnatory articles appeared relative to mob violence of recent occurrence in Mississippi and Massachusetts. The court, Judge Lawless, in charging the grand jury in relation to this burning of the negro virtually said if you find that the act was that of a multitude then you will not be able to find any true bills in the case. This charge by the judge to the grand jury was also attacked by the Observer. Popular excitement now ran high, which was not allayed by the announcement that the press would be removed to Alton. The office was entered by unknown parties, and the fixtures broken up and some type destroyed; but the press was not seriously damaged, and preparations were made to ship it to Alton. The press reached Alton on Sunday morning, July 24, 1836.

MOB DESTROYS PRESSES

       The press lay upon the wharf through the day of its arrival, but that night a mob broke it to pieces and threw the fragments into the river. The citizens of Alton called a public meeting and while they passed resolutions condemnatory of abolitionism, they also were equally out­spoken in their condemnation of the action of the mob in the destruction of the press. Lovejoy was at this meeting and is said to have promised that he would desist from discussing the subject of slavery.

       But in later years his friends denied this and put out a very strong statement to that effect. The public statement signed by ten men who were present, and heard Lovejoy speak, says that they were willing to testify that he did say: “But, gentlemen, as long as I am an American citizen, and as long as American blood runs in these veins, I shall hold myself at liberty to speak, to write, and to publish whatever I please on the subject—being amenable to the laws of my country for the same.” The ten men who put out this public statement were:
 

       As the result of the mass meeting held to condemn the destruction of the press, money was raised and a new press was purchased and on the 8th of September, 1836, the first issue of the Alton Observer was given to the people. From that day to the following August the paper was issued regularly. During this time it would appear that Mr. Lovejoy had undergone a change relative to the manner of dealing with the slavery question. He had by the middle of the summer of 1837 taken a position of immediate emancipation. He was now willing to petition congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. He was also converted to the idea that the time was at hand for the organization, in the state and the country, of anti-slavery societies.

       He advocated the organization of an “Illinois State Anti-Slavery Society.” It was finally agreed among those interested that Alton would be the proper place, and about November 1, 1837, the time for such a meeting—the meeting was finally called for October 26, 1837.

       In all these weeks and months as time went by, there was a very steady growth of opposition to the work and influence of Mr. Lovejoy. Many absurdly false stories were circulated to lower the estimation of good people concerning Mr. Lovejoy. On July 8, a mass meeting was held in the market house in Alton at which meeting resolutions were passed censuring the editor of the Observer for continually dinning this slavery question in their ears. A committee of five men was appointed to notify Mr. Lovejoy of the feeling of the public and of the action of the market house mass meeting. Mr. Lovejoy replied in a very dignified way, stating that he denied the right of a public meeting to dictate what sentiments should be expressed in a public newspaper.

       The pro-slavery sentiment could not contain itself much longer. It must have vent in some personal violence. On the evening of August 21, 1837, late at night, two young doctors, Beall and Jenning, called upon Col. George T. M. Davis, a lawyer of prominence, and informed him that they had started out in company with a dozen others with the express purpose of tarring and feathering the abolition editor, and that they had met him coming to town from his home. The mob stopped Mr. Lovejoy and told him their errand, whereupon Mr. Lovejoy told them that he was going into town after some medicine for his wife who was very sick, that he knew that they had power to do with him as they pleased, but that if one of this mob would take the prescription into town and get the medicine and return with it to his sick wife and not let her know what had become of him, then he would go with them and cheerfully abide by their wishes. At this no one dared to accept the challenge, whereupon, they sneakingly retired and allowed him to proceed. But if they were not brave enough to lay hands on an honest, innocent man they were brave enough to do a deed twice as dastardly. They repaired to his office, broke it open, and destroyed his press and material. It was now confidently believed that abolitionism had been given a death blow in Alton.

       But they who reasoned thus had not reckoned with the abolition forces, for immediately the friends and supporters of Lovejoy met and voted to call for a popular subscription for the purpose of buying another press. The funds flowed in with amazing promptitude and by September 21, a new press had arrived from Cincinnati. It was stored in a warehouse on Second street between State and Piasa streets. That night a mob broke open the warehouse and carried the press to the river’s edge and there it was broken to pieces and the pieces thrown into the river. This was the third press destroyed and the fourth case P 214 of violence to Mr. Lovejoy‘s presses. The question now arose in the minds of some of Mr. Lovejoy‘s friends whether to remain in Alton and fight the issue to a finish or remove to Quincy where the people had promised ample protection and support. Mr. Lovejoy never for a moment doubted what his duty was. He thought the paper ought to remain in Alton.

       In the meantime a gathering of what promised to be an anti-slavery convention assembled in upper Alton on October 26, to which had been invited all who thought slavery a sin, together with those who were “friends of free discussion.” The pro-slavery men were in a majority, having come under the head of “friends of free discussion.” After a two days’ discussion the meeting adjourned without accomplishing anything, but fifty-five anti-slavery men met and quietly organized a “State Anti-Slavery Society.” These fifty-five men were of the opinion that the Observer should be continued in Alton. It was finally made known that a fourth press had been ordered and then the rage of the pro-slavery people knew no bounds. A public meeting was called for Thursday, November 2, which after a brief session adjourned to the next day. At this second session strong condemnatory resolutions were passed. Lovejoy was present in this meeting and made a most touching appeal to those present for protection.

     Mr. Lovejoy said in that meeting:

       "Mr. Chairman, it is not true as has been charged upon me that I hold in contempt the feelings and sentiments of this community in reference to the question which is now agitating it. But, sir, while I value the good opinion of my fellow-citizens is as highly as anyone, I may be permitted to say that I am governed by higher considerations than either the favor or the fear of man. I plant myself down upon my unquestionable right, and the question to be decided is whether I shall be protected in the enjoyments of these rights—that is the question, sir, whether my property shall be protected, whether I shall be suffered to go home to my family at night without being assailed, threatened with tar and feathers and assassination—whether my afflicted wife, whose life has been in jeopardy from continual alarm and excitement, shall night after night be driven from a sick bed into the garret to save herself from brick bats and violence of the mob. That, sir, is the question! I know, sir, that you can tar and feather me, hang me, or put me in the Mississippi without the least difficulty. But what then? Where shall I go? I have concluded, after consulting with my friends, and earnestly seeking counsel of God, to remain in Alton, and here insist on protection in the exercise of my rights. If the civil authorities refuse to protect me, I must look to God, and if I die, I am determined to make my grave in Alton."

       The Reverend Mr. Dimmock has said: “I know of no more pathetic figure in all history than this man standing up alone among a host of enemies with tears streaming from his eyes—pleading for that liberty of speech and of press which is the foundation of all liberties; with the shadow of death already gathering about him, yet ready and willing to die rather than yield the highest and noblest right of citizenship.” Lovejoy‘s words were very powerful as those who heard them afterwards testified. P 215

LOVEJOY A MARTYR

       The fourth press was on its way to the city of Alton. The mayor of the city, Mr. John M. Krum, having a very limited police force, was willing that a body of private citizens should act as a sort of militia to preserve order and protect property. About 2 o‘clock on Tuesday morning, November 7, the press was landed at the wharf and was immediately moved to the warerooms of Godfrey, Gilman & Co., where it was placed on the fourth floor. Although this was 2 o’clock or later in the morning yet the mayor was present to assist, so far as he might, in protecting the press. So also was Mr. Gilman, a member of the above named firm. Likewise the citizen-soldier-band, about sixty in number, was present. There were no demonstrations that night and early in the morning of the 7th, the militia went to their homes. Nothing occurred through the day which would indicate that harm was intended to person or property. Toward evening the militia band to the number of sixty or thereabouts came to this store of Godfrey and Gihuan to drill. They were accustomed to drill in an upper room of the big double building, one end of which faced Second street, and the other overlooking the river, faced Levee street, or First street. In this upper room the militia drilled till about 9 o’clock, and thinking everything would be safe, they were about ready to go to their homes when Mr. Gilman asked if they did not think it would be safer for a detail to remain all night. He told them they could sleep on the goods in the store. Mr. Gilman‘s advice was taken and twenty men remained, including Mr. Gilman and Mr. Lovejoy.

       Those who went to their homes had been gone but a short time till there were signs of trouble. The mob spirit began to show itself. Presently Edward Keating, a lawyer, and Henry W. West, a merchant, appeared at the store and asked to see Mr. Gilman. They said the gentlemen who were gathering outside had sent them to demand the surrender of the press, and further said if the press were given up that no harm would be done to persons or property. Mr. Gilman referred the matter to the little band and after consultation they decided not to comply with their demands. Keating and West then said that the people without would certainly destroy the building if that were necessary to secure the press. Some of the guard wanted to keep Keating and West as hostages till morning, and if this course had been adopted probably the sacrifice of two lives would not have been necessary. But they were allowed to depart, and their report to the mob only added fuel to the flame and they began an attack on the building with rocks and clubs. The men inside had elected a captain, but he was not equal to the emergency and they soon took positions to suit their own notion of defense.

        It was a very bright moonlight night and one of the guards in the building, Henry Tanner, who afterwards wrote fully of all the incidents, said he could easily distinguish his neighbors on the ground below as he looked out of the doors and windows of the upper floors. The mob became more and more demonstrative and shots were fired. Presently one of the militiamen fired into the mob and shot a man named Bishop, who died before they could get him to Dr. Hart’s office across the street. Then the mob made preparations to set fire to the building by climbing to the roof on the east side, but they were driven back. Other attempts P 216 were made when Lovejoy, Roff, and Weller went outside next to the levee to defend it against fire when Lovejoy was shot from behind a pile of lumber at a short distance eastward. He received five balls in his body. He walked inside and up a pair of stairs and said, “I am shot! I am shot! I am dead! He fell to the floor without another word and expired. Roff and Weller were both seriously wounded. Keating and West came then to the door and said they desired to agree upon terms of surrender. The terms offered were to surrender the press and cease the defense. This was finally agreed to and fifteen of the twenty marched out, but they were fired at by the mob until they were out of sight, but fortunately no one was hurt. The five men who remained were Lovejoy dead, Weller and Roff wounded, Thompson, who remained behind till the mob entered the building, and Hurlburt, who stayed by the dead body of his chief.

        The press was broken to pieces when the mob dispersed. The dead body of Lovejoy lay on a cot till the following day, the 8th of November, the thirty-fifth anniversary of his birth. A hearse was procured and the body taken to the late residence. Mr. Owen Lovejoy was with the stricken wife, and as the dead body of his brother lay before him “he vowed that from henceforth he would fight the cursed institution which had killed his brother.” The body was prepared for burial and a grave was dug on a bluff which in after years came to be the City Cemetery. The Rev. Thomas Lippincott conducted simple services. No sermon or remarks or any explanation of the death was offered. No inquest was held over the body and a very few attended the funeral.

Hic Jacet Love joy. Jam Parce Sepulto. “Here Lies Lovejoy. Spare him now that he is buried.”

       Eleven years after this tragic event the Rev. Thomas Dimmock, then a young man living in Alton, in company with an older citizen, found the grave of Lovejoy marked with the initials E. P. L. carved in the wood. The grave was between two large oaks. When the ground was fenced and laid off as a cemetery a street ran directly over the grave, the trees were cut down and the board disappeared. The superintendent of the cemetery, Mr. William Bruden, knew the grave and so he placed two limestone rocks, one at the head and one at the foot, letting them down level with the top of the ground. And thus the grave remained in the middle of the street for several years. Eventually Maj. Charles W. Hunter had the remains removed to an adjoining lot of his own. The person to do this work was a colored man by the name of William Johnston. This colored man had dug the grave and buried Lovejoy‘s P 217 remains at the time of  his death and now we have a very definite chain of evidence as to the identity of the grave.

       When the remains were removed by order of Major Hunter a crude sort of tombstone, probably an old one, was placed at the grave and marked “Lovejoy.” In later years the Rev. Mr. Dimmock purchased a simple marble scroll resting on a block of granite. On the scroll he had inscribed:

Hic Jacet Love joy. Jam Parce Sepulto. “Here Lies Lovejoy. Spare him now that he is buried.”

       The lot was transferred from Major Hunter to the Rev. Mr. Dimmock, and in August, 1885, he transferred all right, title, and interest in the lot to the colored people of Alton. The city of Alton set aside a suitable lot upon which to erect a monument and an association was formed and considerable interest manifested in the erection of a suitable monument. But nothing of any importance was accomplished till June 17, 1895. In that year the general assembly appropriated the sum of $25,000 for the purpose of erecting a suitable monument to the memory of this martyr to the cause of free speech, free press, and free men. The citizens of Alton supplemented this with a smaller amount and thus there stands in the cemetery at Alton a beautiful shaft to perpetuate the memory of one of America ‘s martyrs. P 218  

The Lovejoy Monument On Bluff Overlooking Mississippi River At Alton

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